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                <text>Just as how colds and coughs rampage through college campuses today, 17th century students of the newly founded Harvard College also fell subject to ailments throughout their time at school. Because pharmacists and apothecaries were somewhat rare in the colonies at the time, it was not unusual for churchmen, governors, and housewives to dispense their own drugs in small amber glass bottles. Ranging in shape and size, the amber glass bottles were most likely filled with herbal remedies, similar to the ones found in physician Samuel Stearns medical notebook, or maybe it was filled with the ingredients to make home remedies, including peppermint, chamomile, cream of tartar, and camphor. If a student is struggling with fever, they can drink a concoction called “American Poison” or flip through the apothecary book and find a remedy for stiff joints or any other pain they may be suffering from. The amber glass made during this time is described as “old” amber, often appearing as a medium yellowish amber with an olive tint. The olive tinted amber glass, which became very uncommon around the late 1800’s, helps to set the upper range of possible dates of the bottle. &#13;
</text>
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                <text>Anon. Bottle Colors Page. Available at: https://sha.org/bottle/colors.htm#Amber [Accessed &#13;
February 25, 2022]. &#13;
^ amber glass information&#13;
&#13;
Anon. Who Were The Apothecaries? Harvard Center for the History of Medicine. Available at: &#13;
https://collections.countway.harvard.edu/onview/exhibits/show/apothecary-jars/sequence.&#13;
&#13;
Hume, Ivor Noel. 1969. A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America. Philadelphia, PA: University &#13;
of Pennsylvania Press.&#13;
&#13;
Stearns, Samuel, 1747-1809. Medical notebook of Samuel Stearns, circa 1773. H MS b1.1, &#13;
Countway Library of Medicine.&#13;
https://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HMS.COUNT:32523247&#13;
^ image of American Poison&#13;
&#13;
Willard, Samuel, 1766-1820. Account of medicines delivered to Jonathan Fuller by Samuel &#13;
Willard, 1795-1799. B MS Misc., Countway Library of Medicine.&#13;
https://colonialnorthamerica.library.harvard.edu/spotlight/cna/catalog/990146278070203941&#13;
^ image of medicine orders and ingredients&#13;
&#13;
https://anth1130.omeka.fas.harvard.edu/items/show/1783&#13;
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              <text>Friday, November 5, 2021, started like any other day. I arrived at the Harvard Yard site, Clover Coffee in hand, ready to dig. &#13;
“God,” I said, like I say each day, indiscriminately, “where is my red clay pipe stem?”&#13;
“You have a red clay pipe stem?!” Trish asked with excitement. &#13;
“No, no, just hoping to find one.”&#13;
I had prayed and hoped and wished for a pipe stem after the units near me started finding them, and lo and behold, they started coming out of the ground at H968. But then I learned that out there existed red clay pipe stems: like white clay pipe stems, but cooler and also they’re red. To find a red clay pipe stem would be exquisite. &#13;
And then, like God appearing to Jacob in a dream, an inch-ish long piece of ceramic appeared in the screen. At first, I assumed because it was red and ceramic that it was probably a brick fragment — but the archaeology gods had different plans for me. Alas, there it was: not just a red clay pipe STEM, but a red clay pipe BOWL, with markings, too. &#13;
In the excitement of the moment, I lost track of time and missed the bus I was supposed to take that afternoon to Cape Cod. As I sat in South Station waiting for the next bus, I started to investigate the origins of find. Did it come from Cambridge? From the Chesapeake region? From the kingdom of Heaven itself?&#13;
On first glance, it seems likely that the pipe came from a local craftsman. Petrographic analysis shows that red clay pipes found in New England are often indeed made in New England (Capone and Downs). But, I was struck by the zig-zag rouletting around the face of the bowl. After some research on Chesapeake area red clay pipes, I’d like to venture a very specific origin: the Nomini Plantation in Westmoreland County, Virginia.&#13;
In looking at and reading about red clay pipes from the Chesapeake region, I saw striking similarities in artifacts from the Nomini plantation. From Lukenbach and Kiser: “Banded bowls have a rouletted band around the center of the bowl — in some cases simply two parallel lines, in others the two parallel lines enclose a wider band of diagonal rouletting.” Above, see two examples from the Nomini Plantation next to my pipe bowl. Similar, no? Nomini pipes are also characterized by their unusually thin bodies, which mine has too. Its thickness, from the bottom of the curve to where the bowl breaks off, is only 0.6 cm. The thickness of the clay could not be more than 0.3 cm. &#13;
	Furthermore, red clay pipes by Algonquin craftsmen from the Chesapeake region have similar markings to those found at the Nomini Plantation and in my unit. See: https://chipstone.org/images.php/294/Ceramics-in-America-2006/Seventeenth-Century-Tobacco-Pipe-Manufacturing-in-the-Chesapeake-Region:-A-Preliminary-Delineation-of-Makers-and-Their-Styles , https://explore.lib.virginia.edu/exhibits/show/layersofthepast/multiplenarratives/locally_made_pipes &#13;
&#13;
“Al Luckenbach and Taft Kiser Seventeenth-Century Tobacco Pipe Manufacturing in the Chesapeake Region: A Preliminary Delineation of Makers and Their Styles.” Chipstone, https://chipstone.org/images.php/294/Ceramics-in-America-2006/Seventeenth-Century-Tobacco-Pipe-Manufacturing-in-the-Chesapeake-Region:-A-Preliminary-Delineation-of-Makers-and-Their-Styles. &#13;
Source shows different Chesapeake area colonial red clay pipes. &#13;
&#13;
Capone, Patricia &amp; Elinor Downes. 2004. “Red Clay Tobacco Pipes: Petrographic Window into Seventeenth Century Economics at Jamestown, Virginia and New England.” In S. Lafferty &amp; R. Mann (Eds). Smoking and Culture: The Archaeology of Tobacco Pipes in Eastern North America. “ Univ. of Tennessee Press.&#13;
&#13;
Source uses petrographic analysis to derive the origins of red clay pipes throughout the east coast. &#13;
&#13;
Jones, Brian. “Hollister Site Artifacts.” Office of State Archaeology, 28 Dec. 2017, https://osa.uconn.edu/home/recent/hollister/hollister-site-artifacts/#. &#13;
Source shows a number of artifacts found in Wethersfield, CT. &#13;
&#13;
“University of Virginia Library Online Exhibits: Layers of the Past: Discoveries at Flowerdew Hundred.” Omeka RSS, https://explore.lib.virginia.edu/exhibits/show/layersofthepast/multiplenarratives/locally_made_pipes. &#13;
&#13;
Source shows images of red clay pipes from Virginia. &#13;
&#13;
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                <text>This glass fragment was from what seems to be the bottom of a medicine glass. This bottle from the shape, pontil mark, and depth of discovery seems to be from late 17th or early 18th century. It seems to be a medicine bottle due to the size, shape, and slight green hue. The bottle size does not seem to show that it was angular at the top. The size of the bottle indicates that it was not used as a glass but rather as a vessel to store something. This bottle does not seem like it would be ornate or have heavy branding of the vessel. This is why it seems as though the local doctor or pharmacist was using this bottle to sell or give medicine to their patients to keep and store their medicine. At the time, there was not much access to doctors so people would have to live with pain and ailments due to the isolated nature of the early colonial New Englanders which leads people to have to store medicines in these glass bottles to self-treat and diagnose. Health concerns affected people of all social and economic status which is why medicine bottles would be found for most homes.&#13;
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https://sha.org/bottle/medicinal.htm&#13;
Over the years, medicine bottles changed shapes and colors depending on the branding to the pharmacist. Before the Pure Food and Drug Act, the branding and drug information available was up to the pharmacist.&#13;
&#13;
Source 2:&#13;
http://colonialnorthamerica.library.harvard.edu/spotlight/cna/feature/medicine-in-colonial-north-america&#13;
Doctors in early colonial North America were also businessmen. Selling these medicines and their bottles was very important due to how isolated people tended to be.&#13;
&#13;
Source 3:&#13;
Noël Hume, Ivor. Historical Archaeology. 1st Ed.] ed. New York: Knopf : Distributed by Random House, 1969.&#13;
Medicine bottles over time have changed in shape and form. In the early seventeenth century, medicine bottles were often made in England. As time went on, the bottles became more angular.&#13;
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                    <text>A composite image of the front and back of the copper alloy shank button, with scale.</text>
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                    <text>Photo taken and edited by the author with the help of Wade Campbell.</text>
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                    <text>The Massachusetts Bay Colony legislature codified Puritanical attitudes toward adornment in the seventeenth century (Whitmore 1889, 123).</text>
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1889 The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts: Reprinted from the Edition of 1660, with the Supplements to 1672. Boston, MA.</text>
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                    <text>This advertisement by merchant Abigail Whitney reflects the increased commercialism of eighteenth century Boston, as well as the popularity of adornments and the amplified public roles of women (Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary 1768).</text>
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                    <text>Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary&#13;
1768 “Imported from London, By Abigail Whitney.” Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary, March 31.</text>
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1765 John Hancock. Painting, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MA.</text>
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                <text>We live in changing times. A little over a century ago, the Massachusetts legislature expressed their “utter detestation &amp; dislike, that men or women of mean condition, should take upon them the garb of Gentlemen by wearing gold or silvar lace, or buttons, or points at their knees, or to walk in great boots” (Whitmore 1889, 123). Just this morning, however, I visited Abigail Whitney’s shop on Union Street, where I found “white Lace... Ribbons, twist &amp; mettal Buttons... shirt Buttons, Horn and Ivory Combs… English Shoes and Clogs,” and countless other adornments (Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary 1768)! The Puritans might have shunned Abigail’s commercial extravagance, but I certainly appreciate her low prices and wide selection of adornments. I first learned about Abigail’s shop when she advertised in the Massachusetts Gazette. I took the advertisement as a testament to her business prowess–– there are quite a few women merchants in Boston, but few have the means to advertise in such prominent publications (Keyes 2018). The copper alloy shank sleeve button that I purchased from Abigail is nothing fancy, but it will help me look the part of an aspiring gentleman. I dream of one day being mistaken for John Hancock, who like me rose from impoverishment to study at Harvard College. John Singleton Copley’s recent portrait of John Hancock in his home on Beacon Street features him in a gorgeous navy blue frock coat with over a dozen exquisite buttons (Copley 1765). Many Bostonians look to John Hancock as a commercial or political leader, but I see him as a fashion icon!</text>
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                <text>Copley, John Singleton&#13;
1765 John Hancock. Painting, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MA.&#13;
&#13;
Fairfax County Archaeological Research Team&#13;
2017 “Eighteenth Century Buttons.” C.A.R.T. Archaeology website, February 3. Accessed April 5, 2019. https://cartarchaeology.wordpress.com/2017/02/03/eighteenth-century-buttons/.&#13;
&#13;
Hinks, Stephen&#13;
1988 A Structural and Functional Analysis of Eighteenth Century Buttons. Thesis, College of William and Mary.&#13;
&#13;
Keyes, Carl Robert&#13;
2018 “March 31.” The Adverts 250 Project website, March 31. Accessed April 5, 2019. https://adverts250project.org/2018/03/31/march-31-3/.&#13;
&#13;
Loren, Diana&#13;
2016 “Bodily Protection: Dress, Health, and Anxiety in Colonial New England.” In The Archaeology of Anxiety: The Materiality of Anxiousness, Worry, and Fear. Jeffrey Fleisher and Neil Norman, eds. Pp. 141-156. New York: Springer.&#13;
&#13;
Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary&#13;
1768 “Imported from London, By Abigail Whitney.” Massachusetts Gazette Extraordinary, March 31.&#13;
&#13;
Whitmore, William Henry&#13;
1889 The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts: Reprinted from the Edition of 1660, with the Supplements to 1672. Boston, MA.</text>
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                    <text>Sarsaparilla Patent Medicine Bottle Fragments (Peabody 2018.24.153).</text>
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                    <text>Children and pregnant mothers were often included on trade cards to signal the family-wide appropriateness of sarsaparilla. Images of youth enhanced the perception of longevity offered by patent medicine.</text>
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                    <text>Ayer, James C. (Manufacturer). "Trade card for Ayer's Sarsaparilla, Dr. J.C. Ayer &amp; Co., Lowell, Mass, undated." Historic New England, https://hne-rs.s3.amazonaws.com/filestore/1/4/0/1/7/3_5db1a444c8edce7/140173scr_7a98622f3fa9326.jpg.</text>
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                    <text>Medicinal advertisements employed half-truths: It is likely that many Hood’s Sarsaparilla users had also recovered (naturally) from their ailments. Causal studies would not appear until the advances of twentieth-century statistics.</text>
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                    <text>Hood, Charles I. (Manufacturer). "In the Light of its Record of Cures take Hood's Sarsaparilla, 1896." Philadelphia Museum of Art, http://www.philamuseum.org/collections/permanent/228791.html?mulR=287.</text>
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                    <text>Patent medicine advertising drew power from its ubiquity. Even in Olean, NY (a town of 4,000 in the 1890 census), Hood’s Sarsaparilla would have been available at a local pharmacy.</text>
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                    <text>Hood, Charles I. (Manufacturer). “The Olean Democrat., March 10, 1887, Page 5, Image 5.” New York State Historic Newspapers, http://nyshistoricnewspapers.org/lccn/sn92061812/1887-03-10/ed-1/seq-5/image_681x463_from_1700,4075_to_4413,5920.jpg.</text>
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              <text>The largest fragment features the letters "LOW" (partial "W") and "MAS" on two lines. A distinct possibility is noted of the object matching sarsaparilla bottle fragments found during the 2016 excavations (Peabody 2016.29.61).</text>
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                <text>These aqua bottle fragments offer a glimpse into late nineteenth century medicinal advertising. Among many lucrative patent medicines was sarsaparilla, marketed as a "blood purifier" offering relief from anemia, indigestion and skin diseases, among other afflictions (Estes 1988, 6). Producers without formal medical training employed "medical propaganda" to promote sarsaparilla in calendars, almanacs, coloring books and other paper advertisements; by the late nineteenth century, most medical journals advertised patent medicines and physicians frequently prescribed them (Dykstra 1955, 402).&#13;
&#13;
This bottle was likely manufactured by either C.I. Hood &amp; Co. or the James C. Ayer Company, which were both headquartered in Lowell, Massachusetts. The rival producers held substantial commercial influence: By the 1890s, Ayer distributed over 16 million annual copies of its almanac in 21 languages; Hood’s annual advertisements during the same period numbered 25 million, making it the largest user of U.S. mail in Lowell (Estes 1988, 8; Griffin 2014).&#13;
&#13;
Sarsaparilla advertisements often included chemical formulas to convey authority; others selectively quoted biblical verses, most notably Leviticus 17:11— "the life of the flesh is in the blood" (Estes 1988, 8, 11). Manufacturers often trademarked sarsaparilla rather than patenting it, which would have required disclosure of the 18% alcohol solution generating disproportionate financial returns (Dykstra 1955, 403, 406). &#13;
&#13;
The fragment’s raised lettering—which had appeared in medicine bottles by the late eighteenth century—serves as one example of the medical texts that permeated nineteenth-century Bostonian life (Hume 2001, 75). Whether advertised in newspapers, calendars or in glass, it would not be until the 1906 Pure Food and Drug Act that proprietary medicines were placed under strict federal oversight.</text>
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                <text>Dykstra, David L. "The Medical Profession and Patent and Proprietary Medicines during the Nineteenth Century." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 29 (1955): 401-419.  &#13;
&#13;
Estes, J. Worth. "The Pharmacology of Nineteenth-Century Patent Medicines." Pharmacy in History 30, no. 1 (1988): 3-18.&#13;
&#13;
Griffin, Jessica. "Hood’s Sarsaparilla, Lowell, MA." Old Main Artifacts. https://oldmainartifacts.wordpress.com/2014/01/21/hoods-sarsaparilla-lowell-ma/. &#13;
&#13;
Hume, Ivor Noël. 2001. A Guide to the Artifacts of Colonial America. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. </text>
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These 1655 college laws showcase how Harvard’s Puritan beliefs manifested in stringent rules for student behavior.&#13;
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                    <text>Harvard University. Corporation. 1655. “Laws and Statutes of Harvard, 1655-1890.” https://iiif.lib.harvard.edu/manifests/view/drs:50738105$21i.&#13;
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                    <text>Law, Heather, Guido Pezzarossi, Stephen Mrozowski, and David Landon. 2008. “ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTENSIVE EXCAVATION Hassanamesit Woods Property The Sarah Boston Farmstead, Grafton, Massachusetts The Hassanamesit Woods Management Committee Submitted to: The Town of Grafton, MA The Nipmuc Nation.” Boston Cultural Resource Management Study No. 26. The Andrew Fiske Memorial Center for Archaeological Research at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. https://www.grafton-ma.gov/sites/graftonma/files/pages/2008_fiske_hassanamesit_woods_report14_1.pdf.&#13;
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                    <text>Shurtleff, Harold Robert. 1668. Collegium Harvardianum Cantabrigiae in Nova Anglia, A.D. MDCLXVIII [Map, 1935].&#13;
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                    <text>Harvard University. 1768b. “Records of the Faculty Relating to Disorders, 1768-ca. 1880s. Evidences vs Tudor.” http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.ARCH:11189983?n=1.&#13;
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                    <text>Harvard University. 1768a. “Records of the Faculty Relating to Disorders, 1768-ca. 1880s. Evidences against Tudor.” http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.ARCH:11189986?n=1</text>
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                <text>Because it was found in the same stratigraphic layer as what we believe is the Old College’s foundation trench, this array of broken glass likely dates to the seventeenth century Old College building. The characteristics of the glass are difficult to discern due to the small pieces of the fragments; however, given that windows during the time of the Old College were usually diamond-shaped, its likely that the window’s original form was a diamond (Hume 1970, 233; Stubbs 1992, 436). These seventeenth century diamond-paned windows discovered in eastern Massachusetts provide insight into how the glass fragments may have looked in their diamond-pane frame (Law et al 2008, 59). Additionally, this conjectural map of Harvard Yard provides insight into how the diamond pane windows may have appeared within the larger Old College building (Shurtleff 1935).&#13;
&#13;
These glass fragments shed light on student rule-breaking during early Harvard. Steeped in the Puritan belief that humans were naturally depraved sinners and that the devil was constantly at work, Harvard’s administration sought to forbade disorderly conduct by students, banning “drunkenness, fighteing, sweareing, curseing, filthy, speakeing profanes, reveling, playing at cards and dice, or such like” in the Harvard College Laws of 1655 (Mather 1639, 1-18; Godbeer 1989, 50-95; Chauncey et al. 1655, 12). Yet, students would often break the windows of tutors to signal their displeasure with college rules; during the seventeenth century there were six different “student riots and window breaking sprees” (Stubbs 1992, 96). An account of a later window breaking incident from 1768 can provide insight into the reasons that students broke tutor’s windows. Angry at a new recitation rule imposed by tutors, one student, William Tudor, is listed in Harvard’s disciplinary files as making “a long speech putting forth the unreasonableness of the regulation.” (Wright 2017, 1-1ii; Harvard University-a 1768, 1). Tudor escalated his actions against a tutor to window breaking; a separate Harvard disciplinary files reads that after his speech he proceeded in the “breaking of W Willards windows” (Harvard University-b 1768, 1). Perhaps these glass fragments come from a similar incident!&#13;
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                <text>Cotton Mather and Salem Witchcraft ... Reprinted from the North American Review, Etc. 1869.&#13;
&#13;
Godbeer, Richard. 1989. “The Devil’s Dominion: Magic and Religion in Early New England.” Ph.D., United States -- Massachusetts: Brandeis University. http://search.proquest.com/docview/303735908/abstract/7FAC6283DD6C46A1PQ/1.&#13;
&#13;
Harvard University. 1768a. “Records of the Faculty Relating to Disorders, 1768-ca. 1880s. Evidences against Tudor.” http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.ARCH:11189986?n=1.&#13;
&#13;
———. 1768b. “Records of the Faculty Relating to Disorders, 1768-ca. 1880s. Evidences vs Tudor.” http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.ARCH:11189983?n=1.&#13;
Harvard University. Corporation. 1655. “Laws and Statutes of Harvard, 1655-1890.” https://iiif.lib.harvard.edu/manifests/view/drs:50738105$21i.&#13;
&#13;
Law, Heather, Guido Pezzarossi, Stephen Mrozowski, and David Landon. 2008. “ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTENSIVE EXCAVATION Hassanamesit Woods Property The Sarah Boston Farmstead, Grafton, Massachusetts The Hassanamesit Woods Management Committee Submitted to: The Town of Grafton, MA The Nipmuc Nation.” Boston Cultural Resource Management Study No. 26. The Andrew Fiske Memorial Center for Archaeological Research at the University of Massachusetts, Boston. https://www.grafton-ma.gov/sites/graftonma/files/pages/2008_fiske_hassanamesit_woods_report14_1.pdf.&#13;
&#13;
Mather, Cotton. 1991. “A Discourse on the Power and Malice of the Devils.” In Cotton Mather: Historical Writings. Library of American Puritan Writings ; v. 23. New York, N.Y.: AMS Press.&#13;
&#13;
Noël Hume, Ivor. 1970. A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America. Knopf,. &#13;
&#13;
Peabody, Stephen. 2017. Pedagogues and Protesters:The Harvard College Student Diary of Stephen Peabody, 1767-1768. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press in association with Massachusetts Historical Society.&#13;
&#13;
Shurtleff, Harold Robert. 1668. Collegium Harvardianum Cantabrigiae in Nova Anglia, A.D. MDCLXVIII [Map, 1935].&#13;
Stubbs, John Delano. 1992. “Underground Harvard: The Archaeology of College Life.” 1992.&#13;
&#13;
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                    <text>Photo of the Manganese-Mottled Sherd</text>
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                    <text>A 17th Century Tavern by David Teniers entitled "Smokers and Drinkers" (1660). </text>
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              <text>In a quiet town in the West Midlands of England in the late 1600s, a potter spins a wheel of clay. Amidst the bustling factory, he hones in on his trademark speciality, a manganese-mottled tankard. The finished product has a smooth rim, with dark purplish brown flecks and streaks of manganese (Jefferson Patterson Park and Museum 2008). Accompanied by a caramel brown lead glaze, this tankard’s elegance is found in its simplicity. &#13;
These black mugs and tankards gained popularity beginning in the 17th century (Hume 2006). Many manganese-mottled tankards journeyed from the potter’s wheel in the West Midlands to colonial towns such as Charlestown. For these young colonies, taverns were centers of community life and it is likely that a manganese-mottled tankard would have found its way there. As songs played in the background, citizens could often be found socializing over tankards of beers and smoking pipes. &#13;
The Three Cranes Tavern in Charlestown and the Goody Bradish Tavern right next to Harvard were familiar spots for many a Harvard man (Morrison 1936). The Puritan leaders of the time attempted to control drinking and smoking by outlawing them from the Harvard campus. In fact, both drinking and smoking were explicitly outlawed in the College Book of Laws (College Book 1636). When students wanted a drink, many would come to these taverns. Today, we have some records that depict what taverns in the 17th century were like. For example, Dutch painter David Teniers has manifested the frivolity and light-heartedness of taverns in his painting “Smokers and Drinkers” (Teniers 1660). These taverns were the precise antithesis of the stern and austere Harvard institution of the time. &#13;
Manganese-mottled earthenware was eventually made in the colonies, and by the 18th century, it had become much more ubiquitous. Students at the College brought their own vessels to use, and their vessel of choice often corresponded with their socioeconomic status. Manganese-mottled earthenware speaks to both the traditional table at Harvard, which was defined by scheduled meal times and socioeconomic hierarchy, and it also speaks to the other, more licentious Harvard experience that took place in taverns. Today, it is likely that sherds of manganese-mottled earthenware are located below our feet in Harvard Yard. Perhaps some originated from the West Midlands and perhaps some traces back to the Three Cranes Tavern; however, it is clear that no matter the origin, this ceramic sheds light on life in the 17th and 18th centuries at Harvard. &#13;
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                <text>In a quiet town in the West Midlands of England in the late 1600s, a potter spins a wheel of clay. Amidst the bustling factory, he hones in on his trademark speciality, a manganese-mottled tankard. The finished product has a smooth rim, with dark purplish brown flecks and streaks of manganese (Jefferson Patterson Park and Museum 2008). Accompanied by a caramel brown lead glaze, this tankard’s elegance is found in its simplicity. &#13;
These black mugs and tankards gained popularity beginning in the 17th century (Hume 2006). Many manganese-mottled tankards journeyed from the potter’s wheel in the West Midlands to colonial towns such as Charlestown. For these young colonies, taverns were centers of community life and it is likely that a manganese-mottled tankard would have found its way there. As songs played in the background, citizens could often be found socializing over tankards of beers and smoking pipes. &#13;
The Three Cranes Tavern in Charlestown and the Goody Bradish Tavern right next to Harvard were familiar spots for many a Harvard man (Morrison 1936). The Puritan leaders of the time attempted to control drinking and smoking by outlawing them from the Harvard campus. In fact, both drinking and smoking were explicitly outlawed in the College Book of Laws (College Book 1636). When students wanted a drink, many would come to these taverns. Today, we have some records that depict what taverns in the 17th century were like. For example, Dutch painter David Teniers has manifested the frivolity and light-heartedness of taverns in his painting “Smokers and Drinkers” (Teniers 1660). These taverns were the precise antithesis of the stern and austere Harvard institution of the time. &#13;
Manganese-mottled earthenware was eventually made in the colonies, and by the 18th century, it had become much more ubiquitous. Students at the College brought their own vessels to use, and their vessel of choice often corresponded with their socioeconomic status. Manganese-mottled earthenware speaks to both the traditional table at Harvard, which was defined by scheduled meal times and socioeconomic hierarchy, and it also speaks to the other, more licentious Harvard experience that took place in taverns. Today, it is likely that sherds of manganese-mottled earthenware are located below our feet in Harvard Yard. Perhaps some originated from the West Midlands and perhaps some traces back to the Three Cranes Tavern; however, it is clear that no matter the origin, this ceramic sheds light on life in the 17th and 18th centuries at Harvard. &#13;
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                <text>“After David Teniers the Younger | Peasant Seated, Smoking and Drinking, to the Left of a Table | The Met.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, i.e. The Met Museum. Accessed April 4, 2019. https://www.metmuseum.org/art/collection/search/376343.&#13;
 &#13;
“Diagnostic Artifacts in Maryland.” Accessed April 4, 2019. http://www.jefpat.org/diagnostic/colonialceramics/Colonial%20Ware%20Descriptions/ManganeseMottled.html.&#13;
&#13;
Harvard University. Corporation. College Book 1, 1636-1795. UAI 5.5, Accessed April 1st, 2019. Harvard University Archives.&#13;
&#13;
Hume, Ivor Noel. A Guide to Artifacts of Colonial America. Philadelphia: U of Pennsylvania, 2001. Accessed April 1st, 2019. Print.&#13;
&#13;
Morison, Samuel Eliot. Harvard College in the Seventeenth Century. Accessed April 1st, 2019. Harvard university press, 1936.&#13;
&#13;
&#13;
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